1) Why in the news — and the core idea

The Chief Justice of India said Governors should act like true guides and philosophers to the States—that is, neutral referees who uphold the Constitution, not parallel power centres. This matters because many States and Raj Bhavans have recently argued over assent to Bills.
For instance, recently the Governor Rajendra Vishwanath Arlekar, of Kerala, has reportedly referred the Kerala State Private Universities (Establishment and Regulation) Bill, 2025 and the Kerala University Laws (Amendment) Bills, 2025 to the President.

2) What the Constitution expects from a Governor

  • Constitutional head of State (Article 153, Article 154): Executive power is in the Governor’s name, but real running of government is by the elected Council of Ministers.
  • Aid and advice rule (Article 163, read with Article 164): Except in a few narrow, exceptional areas, the Governor must act on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers headed by the Chief Minister.

Legislature functions:

  • Summon, prorogue, dissolve the Legislative Assembly (Article 174); address and send messages to the House (Article 175).
  • Assent to Bills / return once / reserve for the President (Article 200); President’s consideration if reserved (Article 201).
  • Ordinances (Article 213): Can promulgate only when the Legislature is not in session, on Cabinet advice, and must lay it before the House quickly.
  • Mercy powers (Article 161): Pardon, reprieve, remission for offences against State law.
  • Information flow (Article 167): Chief Minister must keep the Governor informed about Council decisions.
  • Emergency context (Article 356): President’s Rule may follow a Governor’s report, but it is a last resort and justiciable.

3) Where friction usually arises

  • Assent to Bills (Article 200): Prolonged withholding or silence can paralyse policy—for instance, university governance Bills and financial Bills in some States in 2022–24 were publicly reported as pending, affecting recruitments, fees, and regulatory timelines.
  • Summoning the Assembly (Article 174): Government proposes dates; delays or refusals disturb the Budget calendar and oversight.
  • Floor tests (Bommai principle): When majority is doubtful, the House must decide—Courts ordered time-bound floor tests in Uttarakhand (2016), Madhya Pradesh (2020) and gave directions in Maharashtra (2020/2022).
  • Ordinance practice (Article 213): Overuse or using it to bypass the House brings criticism; ordinances must be temporary and urgent, not routine.
  • Universities (Chancellor role by State law): Disputes over Vice-Chancellor appointments and statutes have surfaced repeatedly; best practice is search committees, documented criteria, and minimal partisanship.
  • Public comments: Sharp speeches or social-media remarks from Raj Bhavan raise the political temperature and shrink space for quiet mediation.

4) What has the Supreme Court laid down?

  • Shamsher Singh v. State of Punjab (1974): Governor is a constitutional head; must act on aid and advice, except in very limited spheres.
  • S. R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994): Majority must be proven on the floor; Article 356 is exceptional and subject to judicial review.
  • Rameshwar Prasad (Bihar) (2006): Arbitrary dissolution of an Assembly is invalid; Governor’s report must be objective.
  • Nabam Rebia (Arunachal) (2016): Governor cannot advance/summon the House at will; must normally follow aid and advice under Article 163, except in narrow situations.
  • Harish Rawat (Uttarakhand) orders, 2016; Shivraj Singh Chouhan (M.P.) order, 2020: Courts directed time-bound floor tests—let the House, not Raj Bhavan, decide numbers.
  • Shiv Sena/Maharashtra (2023): Governor should not order a floor test based only on intra-party disputes; needs objective material suggesting loss of majority.
  • B. P. Singhal v. Union of India (2010): Governor holds office at the pleasure of the President, but removal cannot be arbitrary; must have valid reasons.

Core principle across cases: Neutrality, speed, reasons on record, and respect for the House.

5) “Guide and philosopher” in practice — do’s, don’ts, and best practices

Do’s (how to be a steady guide)

  • Move files fast (Article 200): Decide on Bills within a clear time window; if reserving for the President (Article 201), record specific constitutional doubts and forward promptly.
  • The prolonged delay and eventual reservation of 10 re-enacted bills by the Tamil Nadu Governor, R. N. Ravi, for the President’s consideration during the last several years.
  • Let the House speak (Bommai rule): If majority is in doubt, enable a quick floor test; coordinate security and timing, keep it live/transparent.
  • Quiet mediation: Call the Chief Minister and Leader of Opposition for off-camera talks when tempers rise.
  • Universities by merit and process: Use search committees, publish shortlists, keep minutes; avoid partisan choices.
  • Visible in disasters, minimal in politics: During floods/heatwaves, visit relief sites, review coordination; leave policy messaging to the elected government.

Don’ts (red lines)

  • No indefinite holding of Bills (Article 200): Either assent, return once with reasons, or reserve—do not stall.
  • No back-seat driving (Article 163): Do not direct administration; aid and advice is binding except in narrow areas.
  • No Raj Bhavan arithmetic: Majority is proven on the floor, not via letters or pressers.
  • No partisan commentary: Avoid speeches or posts that look political.

Best practices to emulate

  • Timelines by law or convention for assent/return/reservation; reasoned orders in writing.
  • Published SOP for floor tests—who presides, how voting happens, live feed—for credibility.
  • Annual Raj Bhavan report on pendency of Bills, reservations, and reasons—sunlight builds trust.

6) Reform agenda and way forward

  • As directed by the SC in the State of Tamil Nadu v. Governor of Tamil Nadu (2024), put timelines into a State law/business rules.
  • Standard Operating Procedure for floor tests (Bommai Principle): Time-bound scheduling, proper security, live telecast; reduce scope for doubt and litigation.
  • Appointment norms: Prefer eminent, non-partisan persons; cooling-off from party posts; respect full tenure unless proven misconduct (B. P. Singhal case, 2010).
  • University governance code: Uniform, transparent VC search rules, qualifications, removal processes; clear line between Chancellor’s oversight and day-to-day university administration.
  • Centre–State coordination forum: Regular, minuted meetings of Governor and Chief Minister on federal housekeeping (Bills pending, disaster prep, funds); publish action points.
  • Civics by example: Raj Bhavan to anchor Constitution literacy in schools/colleges—how a Bill becomes law, what Article 163 means, why floor tests matter.

Payoff: Fewer stand-offs, faster governance, stronger co-operative federalism.

Mains Practice (200–250 words)

“The Governor is meant to be a guide and philosopher to the State, not a parallel executive.” Examine with examples and Supreme Court case law. Suggest reforms to reduce disputes over assent to Bills, summoning the House, and floor tests.

Hints: Start with Articles 153, 154, 163, 174, 200–201, 213, 161 (roles; aid and advice; summon; assent/reservation; ordinances; mercy). Use cases: Shamsher Singh (aid and advice), Bommai (floor test; Art. 356 last resort), Rameshwar Prasad (objective report), Nabam Rebia (limits on discretion to summon), BP Singhal (no arbitrary removal), Maharashtra 2023 (no floor test on intra-party feud alone). Give specific-type examples: university Bills pending; Budget session scheduling; defections leading to a court-ordered floor test. Reforms: legal timelines and reasoned orders under Arts. 200–201, SOP for floor tests, non-partisan appointments with cooling-off, university governance code, annual Raj Bhavan pendency reports, coordination forum. Conclude: neutral conduct + quick, reasoned decisions strengthen federal trust.

One-line wrap

A Governor who decides fast, records reasons, keeps politics aside, and respects the House becomes exactly what the Constitution wanted—a calm guide and philosopher, not a rival power centre.

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